An Interdisciplinary Project:
we meet twice a month:
in Tübingen (usually the last Friday) and in Stuttgart (usually the second Friday)
I
As the world accelerates into the new
millennium, talk of empire is once again being heard
in the corridors of power. In reaction to 9/11,
American foreign policy has become more imperial as
it shifts from informal to formal rule—policing and
administering territory. President Bush’s
declaration of global “war against terror” coincides
with a rapidly growing population, failing states
and a heightened race for control of the Earth’s
strategic resources. At the same time, foreign
policy elites in New York, Washington and London
seem to be suggesting that force in the service of
human rights can provide a public good by
establishing civil order in the face of the global
trend towards ungovernability that economic
globalization is producing.
Publicists throughout the cold war
promoted American power in novel terms, such as “The
American Century,” “Pax Americana,” “Super Power” or
“Hegemon,” and avoided the word “imperial,” which
Marxist-Leninism had coupled with capitalism.
After the Soviet Union imploded, imperial-capitalism
became ideologically irrelevant. American
policy-wonks and spin-doctors were free to change
public rhetoric. Today’s influential opinion pieces
on America’s liberal Imperium are reminiscent of the
late-19th century when the U.S. first set off to
build an empire overseas. Even domestic opposition
to empire shares parallels with the Anti-Imperialist
League of 1898. However, for many Americans and
Europeans this came as a great shock. Imperialism
represents a reversal of many of our cherished
assumptions about liberal democracy, the
postcolonial world and international peace. Yet, for
those living outside U.S territory, especially
inhabitants of Mesopotamia and Afghanistan,
‘democracy promotion’ appears as the latest rhetoric
in a long chain of distant imperial powers.
The move towards formal imperialism
also contradicts the shift from modernity to
post-modernity, which sociologists in the 1980s
elaborately theorized about; for instance, the ways
in which domination had changed: from normative
regulation to seduction, from policing to public
relations, from enforcement to advertising.
Domestically, the task of social control ceded from
centralized administered agencies to essentially
uncoordinated market forces while territorial
conquest and administration came to be seen as more
of a liability than an asset. Moreover, news of
troop withdrawals became more common than invasions.
Interventions into the internal affairs of sovereign
states were, more or less, limited to subterfuge
either through covert operations or the economic
policies of the IMF and World Bank, which imposed
conditions on dependent countries. However, all this
changed after 9-11.
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